Texas Progressives Celebrate Historic Senate Win Against Billionaire-Backed Republicans
In a stunning political upset that has sent shockwaves through Texas Republican circles, Democrat and local union leader Taylor Rehmet secured a state Senate seat last month that Republicans had held since 1992. Rehmet achieved this remarkable victory despite being outspent ten-to-one by his Republican opponent Leigh Wambsganss, whose campaign was heavily funded by billionaire megadonors Tim Dunn and the Wilks brothers.
The Organizers Behind the Movement
Chris Tackett began tracking political extremism in Texas approximately a decade ago while balancing his responsibilities as a Little League coach and school board member in Granbury. His initial research focused on state legislator Mike Lang, who had become a vocal advocate for using public funds for private schools despite campaigning as a public education supporter.
"There's so many people out there that are so busy with their daily lives, they're walking past and not even seeing some of these bad things going on," Tackett explains. "So that's the first step: you have to see this thing."
Tackett discovered that Lang had received hundreds of thousands in campaign donations from the Wilks brothers and Tim Dunn, whose Christian nationalist views and deep pockets have significantly influenced the Texas GOP. After publishing his findings on social media, Tackett's work evolved into the organization See It. Name It. Fight It., which he runs with his wife Mendi.
Tarrant County's Political Landscape
Now based in Fort Worth, the Tacketts have joined a growing community of progressive and anti-extremist organizers building momentum in Tarrant County, widely regarded as a hotbed for far-right political actors. The county provided a chilling preview of Texas's gerrymandering efforts and has become ground zero for Christian nationalist political organizing.
Alexander Montalvo, a longtime grassroots organizer in Tarrant County, points to several recent victories where local advocates have successfully rallied for their causes:
- Pushback against a proposal to split a local school district
- School board elections last May where every candidate endorsed by Christian nationalist cellphone carrier Patriot Mobile lost
- Rehmet's state Senate victory against a Patriot Mobile executive
"There is something very local here in Tarrant county that is happening and that has been happening," Montalvo says. "There is a collective groundswell that's been building."
The 817 Gather Community
Tackett maintains close contact with organizers like Montalvo and other Tarrant County residents who participate in monthly "817 Gather" meetings, bringing together people activated by the extremism in their area.
"It's a bunch of folks that are Black, brown, white, mostly progressive, but we've got a few folks that play into that former Republican space, as well," Tackett describes. "It's not about Republican versus Democrat. It's really all about what we stand for."
Within this community, people have found various roles focused on voting advocacy. Montalvo and fellow organizer EJ Carrion, co-host of the local 817 Pod podcast, frequently mobilize large crowds for city council and county commissioner meetings. The Tacketts produce social media videos highlighting concerned neighbors speaking at local meetings and exposing local extremists.
Mercy Culture's Political Influence
Multiple sources interviewed for this story identified Mercy Culture, a Fort Worth church, as the most significant institution promoting Christian nationalism in Tarrant County. The church is affiliated with For Liberty & Justice, a political organization actively encouraging conservative Christians to run for office and challenging traditional separations between church and state.
"Mercy Culture is not just a church," says Wesley Kirk, a lifelong Fort Worth resident and 817 Pod co-host. "It's a political machine. They are organizing people. They are endorsing candidates."
Former Fort Worth resident Chanin Scanlon states bluntly: "This is Christian nationalism. It's not subtle. They are very clear about what they want. They want to take over institutions."
Analyzing the Victory
Following Rehmet's win, Tackett conducted detailed data analysis to examine Republican claims that low turnout caused their defeat. His findings revealed that turnout decreased across all voter groups, undermining GOP narratives blaming absent Republican voters.
Using voter score analysis, Tackett discovered that 57% of runoff voters fell into two categories: true independents, or Democratic-leaning voters who regularly participate in Republican primaries because, in deep-red Texas, the GOP primary often determines election outcomes. This 57% figure matches exactly the percentage of the electorate that Rehmet won.
"What we saw wasn't massive Republican crossover," Tackett wrote. "It was Democrats – many of whom have been forced to play in GOP primaries for years – finally getting a meaningful choice and showing up."
Brandon Rottinghaus, a political science professor, attributes part of the success to strong candidate recruitment: "I think they figured out the secret sauce to candidate recruitment. Being an authentic person goes a long way for voters these days."
Montalvo finds encouragement in Tackett's analysis: "There's actually a big enough and a diverse enough base amongst Democratic voters in Tarrant county that if we actually invest in those communities, we have the votes to be able to win."
This Texas Senate upset demonstrates how grassroots organizing, community building, and persistent activism can challenge well-funded political machines and reshape the political landscape in traditionally conservative strongholds.
