In a dramatic shift in international dynamics, Britain has firmly replaced the United States as Russia's villain of choice. Moscow now routinely accuses London of orchestrating everything from drone attacks on Russian airfields to blowing up the Nord Stream pipeline and even abetting terrorist incidents.
Escalating Accusations and Historical Context
This week, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov added another extraordinary claim to the growing list of allegations. He asserted that British intelligence had attempted to lure Russian pilots flying Kinzhal missile-equipped jets to defect to the West, specifically to Romania where, he claimed, NATO forces planned to shoot them down.
"The FSB exposed all this in great detail," Lavrov told reporters in Moscow, adding a colourful Russian idiom about Britain's perceived ability to emerge "spotless" from controversial situations. London has consistently denied involvement in all these alleged plots.
The rivalry stretches back centuries to the imperial "Great Game" of the 19th century, when British and Russian empires competed for influence in Central Asia. After the 1917 October Revolution, Britain became the primary antagonist in Bolshevik eyes, representing the capitalist order they sought to overthrow.
Why Britain Took America's Place
According to Captain John Foreman, the UK's former defence attaché to Moscow, Russia regards itself as America's equal and finds it difficult to directly criticise the Trump administration. "Now they can't criticise Trump directly, so who do you blame for your woes - for the losses in Ukraine, for a million casualties? You blame the closest thing, the British," Foreman explained.
This year, Russia's foreign intelligence service (SVR) declared that "London today, like on the eve of both world wars, is acting as the main global warmonger." The hostility has become particularly pronounced since Britain's full-scale support for Ukraine following Russia's 2022 invasion.
British officials have often been more willing than their American counterparts to take risks in assisting Ukraine militarily and with intelligence sharing. A Ukrainian intelligence source noted that "The Brits have been one step ahead from the very first days" of the conflict.
Consequences and Future Implications
The animosity has filtered down to Russian public opinion. A Levada Centre poll this summer found that 49% of Russians name Britain as one of their country's main enemies, second only to Germany. Russian television propagandists regularly issue lurid threats, with one of Putin's favoured hosts boasting that Britain could be "sunk underwater" by Russia's new nuclear torpedo.
Yet this hatred appears largely unnoticed in Britain itself. "They care about us much more than we care about them," Foreman observed. "It's not a reciprocal relationship; the average Brit on the street has no idea this hate exists."
Diplomatically, Moscow appears uniquely unwilling to engage with London, even through private channels. While the Kremlin has proved receptive to communication from Berlin and Paris, attempts by London to establish discreet lines have failed.
Professor Michael Clarke of King's College London suggests Moscow perceives Britain as strategically vulnerable following Brexit - "more isolated than at any time since 1914, and can be picked off." Meanwhile, Britain's consistent support for Ukraine across the political spectrum makes it a persistent thorn in Moscow's side.
