Andy Burnham's victory speech in Makerfield was filled with upbeat language, declaring the moment a potential turning point and promising to bring back hope. His rise, despite obstacles from the Labour right and Reform UK, has been a seductive advertisement for positive politics. However, hope in politics is risky; it can attract supporters but also create excessive expectations.
Labour's tricky relationship with hope
Labour has a complex history with hope, founded by idealists and pragmatists. The party's right sees the left as too hopeful about equality, while the left sees the right as not hopeful enough. This tension is evident in debates over who should hold key posts in a Burnham government, such as disruptive reformers like Ed Miliband versus cautious adjusters like Pat McFadden.
Despite these divisions, there is broad agreement that Labour needs an optimistic message to win elections. This message can be leftwing, as under Attlee in 1945 or Corbyn in 2017, or centrist, as under Blair in 1997 or Starmer in 2024. Yet optimism often brings problems: excessive expectations and underestimation of the complexity of change.
The critique of Labour's hope as a trick
Critics argue that Labour's hope is essentially a trick, presenting softening of hierarchies as fundamental reform. This critique, once confined to smaller leftwing parties, is now voiced by Green leader Zack Polanski, who questions the reforming credentials of all major Labour figures, including Burnham. Any compromises or U-turns by Burnham as prime minister will be rapidly highlighted, posing a problem for winning back leftwing voters from the Greens, Plaid Cymru, and the SNP.
How Burnham can make best use of hope
Burnham can demonstrate that he enjoys governing, as he did as mayor of Greater Manchester with his enthusiasm for improving buses. In contrast, Starmer and Brown often made being prime minister appear a burden. Zest in office can provide an administration with a narrative and energy. However, restoring hope requires more than tone; it depends on appointments and policies. Burnham's selection of former Blairite James Purnell as chief of staff is not encouraging for those seeking a break with the past. This appointment needs balancing with less orthodox ones.
Policies addressing voter despair are crucial: public control of privatised utilities, a temporary nationwide rent freeze, and restoring power to marginalised towns and regions. Such moves may be dismissed as impractical, but without taking risks and taking on vested interests, the government risks sinking back into gloom. Hope must be constantly proved.
