A close adviser to Andy Burnham described him as an 'organic intellectual' whose theory comes not from books but from the practice of running Manchester. This description underscores the hands-on approach that Burnham has brought to his role as Mayor of Greater Manchester, and it is this practical experience that forms the bedrock of his emerging political doctrine: Manchesterism.
What is Manchesterism?
Manchesterism is being touted as 'the end of neoliberalism', according to Burnham's campaign launch video for the Makerfield byelection. The video made an audacious offer not just to his constituents but to the nation, outlining how he intends to change national politics and the economy. However, the 2026 version of Manchesterism differs sharply from its 19th-century namesake, which was synonymous with free trade. Today, under Burnham, it means a national rollout of what he has achieved in Greater Manchester: bringing essential assets into greater public control, such as the bus network, fostering closer partnerships between the state and business to spread wealth, and expanding devolution.
The Challenge Ahead
Turning Manchesterism into a practical offer for government is an immense task, potentially within weeks. It is a shoestring operation with many players vying for influence. There is a determination among Burnham's backers to be bold and authentic, but this runs alongside a deep fear of spooking an already jittery bond market, causing borrowing costs to soar, or handing the seat to Reform UK. These constraints were evident in Burnham's statement that he will stick to Rachel Reeves's fiscal rules, meaning any expansion of public spending must be funded by tax increases. Investors had been fretting about an unfunded spending splurge, and the shadow chancellor Mel Stride has claimed the government is already paying a 'Burnham penalty' in higher borrowing costs.
The Intellectual Roots
According to close adviser Neal Lawson, founder of the thinktank Compass, Burnham's prognosis developed entirely through his work in Manchester, though its roots lie in the civic leadership of Howard Bernstein, the former chief executive of Manchester City Council. 'What is interesting about Andy is that he does not get his theory of change from books,' Lawson said. 'He's what Gramsci would call an organic intellectual, because it's literally the practice of running Manchester.'
Influences on the Doctrine
The intellectual work of Manchesterism has been taking place over many months, with various influences. From the left, Common Wealth's Mathew Lawrence and economist Alex Williams are fleshing out ideas in an essay called The Productive State, which argues that privatisation is at the root of Britain's problems, essential services are run for profit, and the welfare state has ballooned because people need state help to afford essentials. Lawrence argues that the state should not just regulate but directly own and operate in essential sectors, as seen with Manchester's Bee Network buses. However, Burnham has never directly said he intends to nationalise essential services like energy and water, but rather that they should be brought into 'public control' with more government involvement.
Pragmatic Approach
Those close to Burnham say the pragmatic version of Manchesterism provides a framework for a more productive relationship between the state and business. Burnham has been widely known as a business-friendly mayor, stating, 'You can be pro-business but want more of the proceeds of growth recycled back into our communities.' The small team behind Burnham faces an extraordinary challenge to win a tight byelection and potentially prepare for power, with tough questions about how the framework can be applied via specific policy levers under fiscal constraints.
First Test: Thames Water
Allies of Burnham say the first test of their theories on public ownership will be Thames Water, the stricken utility for which the government is trying to find a new buyer. Many on the left of Labour want ministers to abandon sale negotiations and allow Thames to collapse into special administration, putting the government in the driving seat. Some advocate for public control rather than full nationalisation, citing Berlin's water company, which was brought back into municipal control in 2012 with a board half elected by workers and half appointed by the city council.
Divergent Views
Some on the right of Labour fear Lawrence's approach is too theoretical and lacks a retail offer. The Labour Growth Group has called for more tangible action on the cost of living and harder messaging on extractive capitalism. Another key influence, though less likely to play a major part in the byelection, is Lawson's Compass, focusing on constitutional reform and electoral system change. However, Burnham has indicated he does not expect this to be possible before the next election.
Makerfield's outgoing MP, Josh Simons, is likely to be influential in developing Burnham's agenda, despite his past at the Starmerite operation Labour Together and the fallout from a scandal over journalist investigations. Simons and his wife, Leah, a Harvard-trained economist, grilled Burnham for two hours on his economic agenda before Simons decided to give up his seat. Simons said he believes in Burnham's diagnosis about the selling off of national assets, stating that the basic way the economy has been run over the last 40 years is 'shafting' his constituents.
