In autumn 2005, Tony Blair gave a speech defending globalisation, telling critics they might as well debate whether autumn follows summer. For deindustrialised areas, this felt like another blow, as they had endured decades of change without seeing rewards. At that time, deindustrialisation was barely acknowledged by power holders, despite Margaret Thatcher's governments having devastated manufacturing. Between 1997 and 2005, under Labour, over one million manufacturing jobs were lost.
Rise of 'Manchesterism' and reindustrialisation
Twenty-one years later, Blair's ideas have fallen out of favour. Donald Trump and European populists champion protectionism, and even Rachel Reeves declares globalisation dead. Andy Burnham's 'Manchesterism' proposes radical devolution and a striking word: reindustrialisation. In a recent speech, Burnham stressed the need to safeguard sovereign manufacturing in critical sectors like steel, defence, energy, and food, rather than letting them go as in the past. He envisions bustling 21st-century factories, universities driving innovation, and every region setting clear industrial ambitions.
Legacy of deindustrialisation
Deindustrialisation's impact is illustrated in Richard King's oral history Brittle With Relics. One interviewee recalls the 'red shed programme' after the miners' strike: collieries closed, bulldozers flattened sites, tin sheds with To Let boards appeared, and redundant miners invested in ventures like dartboards or fibreglass chess sets, only to go bankrupt within a year. Many former industrial towns saw industry replaced by retail parks, creating a circular economy where people worked in shops to support other shops—now weakened by the internet. This cynicism fuels resentment that Burnham must avoid, especially where Reform UK threatens Labour.
Burnham's strategy and challenges
Burnham's team argues that this time government will be strategic and devolved. As Greater Manchester mayor, he implemented creative industrial policy, like the Good Growth Fund aiding life sciences, advanced manufacturing, and green tech. He plans to restructure government, with the prime minister at No 10 North in Manchester overseeing 'reform of essential utilities, reindustrialisation and the regeneration of places'—a challenge to the Treasury. However, big questions remain: How can he achieve revolutions while sticking to fiscal rules? What will AI and automation mean for jobs? And which deindustrialised places will measure success—Stoke-on-Trent, Middlesbrough, Grimsby, or Corby?
Scale of the task
Larry Elliott's forthcoming book Reindustrialise Britain proposes a total programme of about £1.41tn over 10 years, with roughly £850bn public and the rest private. Industry is not just economics; it involves emotions of loss and wounded pride, and questions about masculinity and good jobs for young men. Burnham's plan must be transformative: a disused factory turned into a supermarket won't suffice. The scale is mountainous: north-east England and Yorkshire and the Humber are currently poorer than Alabama and Mississippi. Yet audacity brings promise and fascination. Burnham's pledge of 'good growth in every postcode' is ambitious, and the idea of a postindustrial Britain reviving feels surreal. Everyone should wish him luck—he will certainly need it.
